Behind the Violence: How Childhood Trauma and Media Exposure Contribute to Sexual Offenses

Childhood experiences play a significant role in shaping individuals' behaviors and psychological development. This is especially true when examining the developmental backgrounds of those who later become involved in serious offenses, such as child sexual abuse and rape. Research from the National Library of Medicine offers insights into how early experiences contribute to the development of such behaviors, drawing attention to parenting, the normalization of violence in media, access to pornography, and gender inequalities.

Early Trauma and Its Impact

The study highlights stark differences in the developmental experiences of child sexual abusers and rapists. For instance, child sexual abusers often have a history of frequent childhood sexual abuse (73%), early exposure to pornography (65% before the sge of 10), and a precocious onset of masturbation (60% before the age of 11). These experiences can create a distorted view of sexuality and relationships, which might contribute to the perpetration of sexual abuse. Furthermore, a notable percentage of child sexual abusers reported engaging in sexual activities with animals, suggesting a broad spectrum of abnormal sexual behaviors rooted in early trauma.

In contrast, rapists often have a history marked by physical abuse(68%,) parental violence (78%) emotional abuse (70%), and cruelty to animals (68%). This profile indicates a broader pattern of aggression and violence, possibly reinforcing a perception of dominance and control that manifests in sexual violence. Both groups, however, share common experiences of frequent exposure to violent media (93%) during their childhoods.

The Role of Parenting and Attachment

A crucial finding in the research is the association between insecure parental attachments and later violent behaviors. Nearly all offenders reported having insecure parental attachment bonds. For rapists, avoidant attachments were predominant, while child sexual abusers were more likely to report anxious attachments. These attachment styles suggest profound deficits in early emotional development, which may contribute to maladaptive behaviors in adulthood.

Parents play a critical role in shaping their children's emotional and psychological well-being. Insecure attachments often result from inconsistent, neglectful, or overly harsh parenting. Children who grow up with such parental experiences may struggle with trust, empathy, and healthy relationship dynamics. These struggles can lead to the normalization of violence and exploitation as mechanisms for coping with or exerting control.

Normalization of Violence and Exposure to Media 

Both child sexual abusers and rapists in the study reported frequent exposure to violent media during their formative years. This exposure likely plays a role in normalizing violent behaviors and desensitizing children to aggression. The portrayal of violence in media can create a skewed understanding of acceptable behaviors and reinforce harmful stereotypes.

The constant exposure to violence can diminish the perceived severity of aggressive acts, potentially making individuals more prone to engage in such behaviors themselves. This normalization of violence is particularly concerning given that both groups of offenders in the study had significant media exposure. It underscores the need for parents and guardians to be vigilant about the content their children consume and to engage in candid conversations to foster critical thinking about media messages.

The Influence of Access to Pornography

The early exposure to pornography reported by many child sexual abusers is another significant factor. Pornography can provide a distorted view of sexuality, often depicting exploitative or abusive scenarios as normal. For children exposed to pornography before the age of ten, there is a risk of developing unhealthy attitudes toward sex and relationships.

Pornography can serve as a blueprint for sexual behavior, especially when children lack other sources of sexual education and guidance. This early exposure can contribute to the development of abusive behaviors, as individuals may replicate what they have seen in pornographic material. This emphasizes the importance of providing children with age-appropriate, comprehensive sexual education that addresses respect, consent, and healthy relationships.

Addressing Gender Inequities

Gender dynamics also play a crucial role in the perpetuation of sexual violence. It is essential to consider that societal gender norms and inequalities contribute to the normalization of violence. Traditional gender roles often emphasize male dominance and female subservience, which can perpetuate abusive behaviors and attitudes.

Efforts to combat sexual violence must include challenging and redefining harmful gender norms. Education that promotes gender equality and respect is crucial in preventing the development of abusive behaviors. By addressing the root causes of gender-based violence and promoting equitable relationships, society can work toward reducing instances of sexual abuse and rape.

The developmental experiences of child sexual abusers and rapists underscore the complex interplay of early trauma, insecure attachments, media exposure, and access to pornography. Effective prevention and intervention strategies must address these factors comprehensively. This includes fostering secure parental bonds, monitoring media content and consumption, providing comprehensive sexual education, and challenging harmful gender norms. 

By understanding and addressing these underlying issues, we all can work towards reducing the prevalence of sexual violence and fostering healthier, more equitable relationships.

-By AL.Sharada, Trustee, Population First

The Article was also published on Free Press Journal on 30th August 2024

Laughter, Law, and Liberation.

In conversation with Ritushree Panigrahi (She/Her), A Transgender Woman, Lawyer, DE&I professional, Stand-up Comedian, LGBTQ+ activist, Corporate Speaker and Columnist. Ritushree is featured in the Makers India list for launching the "Ungender Forms" campaign on Transgender Visibility Day 2021 to promote inclusive gender options (Transgender & Non-Binary) on business platforms. Fueling societal change with hope is Ritushree's mission. She believes personal stories laced with humour are the most effective tools for motivation.

By Varsha Alimchandani

 

How did you arrive at the name “coming out” for your tour?
“Coming out" is a universal experience for many in the LGBTQ+ community. Interestingly, my solo show "Don't Question Your Authority" predated my publicly coming out. So, this one became a double debut: my first show as a comedian and my first time sharing my truth on stage. It was a special night to explore the complexities of coming out through humour.

Many feel humour/satire works better in changing transphobic mindsets than confrontation.
Would you agree?
Comedy works best when it comes to shifting mindsets. Humour makes information stick. People are more likely to remember a well-placed joke than a monotonous explanation. Most people wouldn't attend a two-hour seminar but package some humour into your message, and suddenly, it's relatable. Humor transcends barriers like gender and sexuality. If you can make people laugh, you've got their attention, and that's the key to getting them to listen, follow, and understand your message.

You wear many hats - activist/stand-up artiste/ lawyer, and so many more. Which is your favourite and why?

Activism comes naturally to LGBTQ+ people, myself included. Fighting for our rights is part and parcel of the journey.
My passion lies in diversity and inclusion work. It's a powerful way to grow myself while helping others in our community find success in the workforce and build visibility.
I love the complete creative control stand-up offers; it is one medium where you are the writer, director, and performer all rolled into one. It's all you on stage, captivating the audience. Overall, I follow my passions. If something stops sparking joy, as litigation and court visits did for me, I move on. Right now, I'm loving everything I do!

The trans rights movement has two schools - one which takes on the traditional attire/pronouns/addressable (Didi/Tai/Ma and lifestyle of ciswomen) and one which does not deem that outwardly look necessary. What do you think?

We are the people who have jumped out of the box. The beauty of our community is our diversity. I love my style, makeup, and dresses – that makes me me! Activism isn't one-size-fits-all. We all have our ways to contribute. Expecting everyone to conform hurts our movement. We have different sexualities, ages, and traditions. There's space for everyone as long as we respect each other. One should embrace this beautiful spectrum with every view, every attire, and every tradition rather than highlighting the differences.

Could you walk us through your journey to becoming the famed Ritushree Panigrahi you are?

I was always Ritushree Panigrahi; I was born this way. Yes, I was hiding. Facing the reality that 97% of trans women have lost their homes and jobs after coming out was terrifying. However, in 2019, I found successful trans women on Twitter. They inspired me to live authentically. It showed how vital positive examples are, especially for those facing challenges.
After coming out to my family and everyone else in 2019, I embarked on a journey of self-discovery. I tried many names, but nothing felt quite right. Then, it dawned on me! Inspired by my sisters' names, Banashree and Tanushree, I thought that if there was a third sister, it must have been Ritushree because we love rhyming babies. This name completed me.

What were some of the most challenging milestones?

The most challenging milestone was coming out to myself. Since childhood, I felt a disconnect. It wasn't until I was nine that I recognised I was transgender. I started experimenting in private, dressing up at home and later in my apartment, but societal pressure made me doubt myself. I'd stop for months, the guilt gnawing at me. Again, after six or seven months, the craving was back. In 2019, I convinced myself to stop altogether.
My family’s pressure to marry intensified. They selected a girl for me, and when it was my turn to meet her, I had a severe panic attack. I felt like I was killing Ritushree. I had to be hospitalised, and my therapy began. The first step was saying no to marriage, not ever. It was a long journey from there, but I dared to bring Ritushree out and show everyone that she was gorgeous, happy, and capable of everything.

Did you feel disheartened? How did you re-channelise courage to march on? What message would you give out to young trans people who are struggling with their identity?

Coming out is a personal journey, and believing in yourself is vital. I learned that having a financial safety net can ease the transition. Many companies are becoming more inclusive, so research LGBTQ+-friendly workplaces.
Society can be brutal, but you're not alone. There will be stares and comments, but there will also be acceptance and support.
Look to successful trans people thriving in their fields. The world is full of allies; you need courage to find them.
Whether you've come out or not, your identity is valid. Embrace yourself and know you are beautiful. This message goes out to every underrepresented and marginalised group, including women– you are strong, worthy, and deserve to be seen. Don’t doubt yourself.

Several corporations and organisations are coming forward to employ transpersons. While they claim finding enough people for those slots is challenging, the trans community claims a lack of employment opportunities. What is your take?

Many companies like the one I joined recently, Welspun Enterprise Ltd., are leading the charge for inclusion! They're hiring a wider range of talented people, including LGBTQ+ folks and those from underrepresented groups. This is a big deal because many talented trans people stay hidden for fear of discrimination. Inclusive workplaces make them feel safe to come out and contribute.
Education should not be a barrier to employment. Tata has done it brilliantly. Companies can invest in training programs to help people succeed, especially those from marginalised communities like the trans community. Many companies are already offering internships and workshops to build skills. Instead of just looking for people with degrees, if you have the will, then focus on what people can learn and achieve. Qualification is a discriminatory word used against oppressed people.

The rainbow movement is often accused of elitism, where a few metropolitans, upper caste, upper-class, English-speaking voices seem to grab the limelight, which is invisible to others.
Does this happen with the trans community, too?

If you segregate the trans community from other core communities, I would say not much because very few trans people work for blue-collar or white-collar jobs. To truly uplift the community, we must focus on the most marginalised. Historically, the fight for LGBTQ+ rights, like the 377 judgment, has been driven by activists from marginalised backgrounds within the community, including trans people.
The Indian trans community is incredibly diverse. There are social groups like Hijras, Kinnars, Kothis, Aravanis, Jogappas, Shiv Shakti, etc., each with rich traditions, regional names, and diverse social and economic mobility.
The fight for LGBTQ+ rights is multifaceted, and not everyone plays the same role. While there are those fighting legal battles, others contribute to the movement through community building and visibility, like attending LGBTQ+ events or parties.
The elite people are not the whole queer community; they would have partied even if they were cisgender. While attending a party might not be considered direct activism, it creates a safe space for LGBTQ+ people to connect and celebrate their identities. This can be especially important since, historically, many LGBTQ+ people were excluded from social spaces.

How does one ensure exclusionist intersectionality of caste/class/region/religion/ language/food habits also finds mention within trans rights?

India's rich diversity also comes with its challenges. Issues like casteism exist within the LGBTQ+ community as well as among cisgender people.
Intersectionality is key to a successful LGBTQ+ movement. This means recognising how different aspects of our identities, like caste, religion, language, food habits or economic background, can intersect and create unique experiences of oppression. The oppressed person should not be its perpetrator. If you are discriminating against someone, you are validating the discrimination that happened to you.
There is no denying that power corrupts absolute power curves. Especially one who is from an oppressed community or even a woman should always support every other oppressed person. That's the only way going forward; otherwise, everything will return to the same place and go in circles. Oppression will continue. Solidarity is key.

Bollywood has begun - even obligatorily- increasingly doffing its hat at trans rights. While several continue to demonise the ones that humanise, they come with their own set of problems.
Could you cite your examples and say if you agree?

Bollywood is evolving. We've seen impactful films like “I Am”, "Fire", “Bombay”, "My Brother Nikhil," and "Aligarh." While these were important, they only scratched the surface.
Now, there's a growing trend of LGBTQ+ representation, driven in part by the lucrative potential of this audience. This isn't just tokenism, but recognising that the trans-community is one of the most significant consumer communities. If you make a movie touching the subject, at least queer people will go and watch it.
Movies like "Chandigarh Kare Aashiqui" and "Taali" spark conversations within society. Similarly, films like "Maja Ma" and "Badhai Do" hint at a changing landscape.
This shift reflects a new generation entering the workforce – a generation more open and accepting of LGBTQ+ identities. Hopefully, Bollywood will move beyond representation and delve deeper into authentic stories. For now, they have just touched the tip of the iceberg. I would love to see a representation like Made in Heaven, where trans people play trans-person characters. It's a promising start.

The International Women’s Day 2024 campaign theme is Inspire Inclusion. Would you agree that inspiring others to understand and value inclusion helps forge a better world?

International Women's Day celebration is primarily heterosexual. For it to be truly meaningful, it should be inclusive of all women, including LGBTIQA+ women.
Recently, I joined Welspun Enterprise Ltd, which embraced inclusivity on Women's Day by sending me a gift hamper. Some might see this as tokenism, but even these gestures send a positive message and demonstrate a company's commitment to diversity.
Women are a diverse group with a wide range of experiences. Otherwise, your woman's day will be only a seasonal heterosexual-led Women's Day celebration rather than progressive activism.
Even when talking about issues of women, only matters of this General heterosexual woman are given space. Supreme Court is not stopping you from celebrating LGBTIQA+ women, so why are you not doing it?

How can we then inspire both trans and cis women themselves to assert that society is invested in them and make them feel included to create a sense of belonging, relevance, and empowerment?

History shows us this: rights aren't handed out; they're snatched. No oppressed community has ever achieved equality through charity alone. It takes action. This means two things: demanding our rights and reclaiming the spaces where we've been excluded.
Imagine a comedy show lineup – all women except for me. I would ask for more women comics. It's about seeing ourselves reflected in the world. Maybe I don’t like the faces of the women coming, but if they are women, that is enough for me.
This goes beyond comedy shows. It's about LGBTQ+ rights, women's rights, and all marginalised communities. Otherwise, it will not happen. If I want only to take privileges in the space, me taking everything, rights activism will not go any further.
Every woman at a company must ask for more female representation. Society is terrible; we have known that they restrict us from climbing for ages. I admit everything. My journey to do comedy was just an example. We can create opportunities for ourselves and future generations.

Varsha Alimchandani is an Indie Author and Programme Officer-Gender with Population First.

The Trans-National Indian Family

 The Trans-National Indian Family

In conversation with Dr Aqsa Shaikh, on queering the Indian family, the family as a site of violence, and how hate speech and propaganda further stigmatised Muslims  during the pandemic, in tandem with the rising anti-secular sentiments, impacting their access to dignified healthcare. Dr Shaikh is associate professor of Community Medicine at Hamdard Institute of Medical Sciences and Research (HIMSR), Jamia Hamdard and the director of the Human Solidarity Foundation, a Delhi-based not-for-profit that runs a charitable clinic. 

By Sanhati Banerjee

The “ideal”/“happy” heteronormative and patriarchal Indian family has largely invisibilized sexual and gender minorities. The so-called benevolent family has often perpetrated violence upon non-confirming members and silenced their voices. The family has also operated in its own authoritarian fashion, neglecting the disabled, banning the “misfit”, ignoring the less successful. With its attitude varying from being benevolent to dictatorial, in this aspect of control and coercion, the family is akin to the nation state. 

And yet, a look at the passing decade from the NALSA judgement 2014 to striking down of Section 377 in 2018 and The Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, 2019, and in view of recent marriage equality hearings, will tell us that landmark legal judgements and shifting societal mores have been rewriting what was once considered to be sacrosanct. Amidst these developing movements, how does health intersect with socio-economic identities and how should we look at marginalised identities outside and beyond the moral prescription of families? 

---

Edited excerpts from the interview:

Tana Bana: Looking at these “trans-gressions” both within and outside the system of the Indian family, what do you think are some of the ways in which gender non-confirming identities have been challenging the status quo of the traditional Indian family and what are their sociocultural impact/legacy? 

Dr Aqsa Shaikh: When you talk about queer persons in the context of the family, the nature of the relationship is rebellious as the system of the family doesn’t accept them. This system of family is typically a heteronormative, patriarchal, and Brahminised one. When we talk about the entity of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, intersex, asexual (LGBTQIA+), especially transgender persons and visibly transgender persons in terms of hijra, kinnar or Aravani communities, a lot of them have either succumbed to the demands of their biological/legal families and left them or have been thrown out by their native families. And in this regard there is something unique in the South Asian system—the hijra gharana, kinnar samuday or the jammat system, which in spite of their drawbacks are systems where transpersons have created their own communities, with a grandmother-mother-daughter kind of a family tree where the older folks take care of the younger ones and vice versa. There’s a sense of democracy, and these systems have been in existence for centuries parallel to the state-sanctioned/government family system.

The legal purview of the family is also changing. Today, live-in relationships are legally recognised and are covered under the provisions of the Protection of Women against Domestic Violence Act (PWDVA). 

For a lot of queer people, especially the new generation of queer folks, there’s an emerging concept of the chosen family, where members choose certain people to be a part of their family. However, the legal recognition of the chosen family is still limited. In such a scenario, the question arises: Who can make medical decisions for queer people—the biological or the chosen family? In addition to addressing these challenges, we have to also locate this evolution of the concept of family as much within the queer community as within other movements such as the feminist movements, anti-caste movements, which are collectively making the traditional family churn. 

Tana Bana: Alongside the modernising families, do you see a tendency to uphold the traditional Indian family and anti-secular sentiments?

Dr Aqsa Shaikh: There’s been a backlash on interfaith marriages and The Special Marriage Act, 1954, which is in keeping with the growing erosion of secular values and an emphasis on the endogamous, biological family. With the government increasingly giving credibility to the biological family, the ideology is also penetrating law. The Uniform Civil Code, for instance, fails to recognise the indigenous systems of family practised by various tribal communities. Another example would be the Surrogacy Act—Section 2(1)(zg) mandates that a surrogate mother can only be a woman who is genetically related to the intending couple or intending woman—which reinforces the State ideology of the authority of the biological family. 

Similarly, the chosen family of queer persons often comes under the wrath of the authorities. There are polyamorous and polyandrous relationships or interpersonal settings, which involves a third partner, sometimes by mutual consent. But, in the absence of legal recognition, what happens to them? Who will take care of them? 

Under a growing tendency to portray an all-encompassing transgender identity, the hijra gharana system has also been losing its legitimacy, resulting in the erosion of regional identities and cultures of diverse social ethnic groups. In the state of Uttar Pradesh, there is an opposition against the hijra gharana but not the kinnar samuday, owing to members of gharana largely being Muslim.  

Tana Bana: Historically, the public health machinery has perpetuated dominant social stigma and biases, denying health rights and dignity to marginalised populations. In present-day India, with a rising Hindutva nationalism on one hand, and technological innovation revolutionising healthcare on the other hand, how do you think diverse marginalised communities can be better served, especially since health doesn’t exist in a vacuum? 

Dr Aqsa Shaikh: Health does not exist in a vacuum; rather it is rooted in socio-economic contexts. Unfortunately, the right to health is not a part of our constitution. However, Right to Life is guaranteed in the Indian constitution. But, marginalised communities are burdened with navigating an unfriendly healthcare system. When I say there is a problem of access, I do not merely mean a lack of geographical or economic access but a lack of access owing to their marginalised identities. 

During the peak of the pandemic, there was a propaganda of "Corona jihad" against the minority Muslim community, labelling them as super spreaders, thus stigmatising them. This resulted in a call for boycott for Muslim fruit sellers, weakening their health-seeking behaviour. Often subjected to the Islamophobic slur of being labelled as “child-producing factories”, Muslim hijab/niqab-wearing women were doubly marginalised. The issue is not about them not getting admission to a hospital but about the interaction not being dignified. 

Simultaneously, violence was perpetrated against women, persons of oppressed castes and lepers. Not too long ago gay men were targeted and demonised at the outbreak of monkeypox.

From battles between legal and chosen names, gender and pronouns, to lack of trans-affirming restrooms and wards for visibly transgender people, navigating the public healthcare machinery was often a nightmare. Several were forced to not report to a doctor, but to a pharmacy etc. The vaccination centres too did not have facilities for transgender people. Additionally, an overwhelming majority of transgender people lack valid or mandated documentation. Similarly, the sadhus of India, who had long left home and the family, didn’t have ID cards. Street children do not have any ID cards. So, there was a challenge in terms of how to get them vaccinated. This points to a larger lack of accountability. Hence, digital healthcare is good per se but for it to address gaps and biases, community participation is a must.

Tana Bana: Traditionally, the Indian family has often perpetrated violence, abuse, neglect and silenced victims/survivors, not letting them heal let alone seek justice. How should we rethink family and freedom, health and healing, while still navigating a heteropatriarchal, queerphobic, and transphobic society?

Dr Aqsa Shaikh: Family is a sacred space within Indian society. We have been told that it’s ultimately the family that will look after us in old age and so on. There has always been a constant reinforcement of the virtues of the family, ensuring their grip remains tightened around individuals. However, for a lot of queer individuals and other minorities, the family has been a site of constant physical, surgical violence, medical and emotional violence.

• For instance, if an intersex child is born with a larger clitoris—there’s nothing called a normal clitoris—the child is made to undergo a procedure to cut it short to the usual. This is akin to female genital mutilation. This doesn’t help the child lead a better life; on the contrary, when they grow up to realise their family perpetrated this surgical violence upon them it leads to trauma. 

• Medical violence includes conversion therapy, which when undertaken medically entails the administration of electric shocks and psychotropic drugs, and when undertaken in the absence of medical supervision, parents and family members generally turn to spiritual babas.

• The family also perpetrates sexual abuse in terms of corrective rape; forcing a boy/teenager to have sex with a sex worker in order to make them “straight”.

• Often, unmarried lesbian women and gay men are burdened with providing financial and physical caregiving to their biological families despite them having been subjected to physical/emotional abuse in their hands.

• These intersect with their health-seeking behaviours, leading to high levels of mental stressors, mental disorders, and mood disorders.

Sanhati Banerjee is an independent journalist and content consultant.

Lady Doctors – Lest We Forget

 By Swathi Chaganty

Picking one quote, one scene, one incident, or one doctor from Lady Doctors – The Untold Stories of India’s First Women in Medicine by Kavitha Rao, a journalist, and author, is a difficult task. Does one talk about Anandibai’s mature balancing act between her eccentric husband’s expectations and her own choices, or Kadambini Ganguly’s fight for native lady doctors’ against the rising tide of European lady doctors brought into India? Or does one talk about a young firebrand woman called Rukhmabai who went toe to toe against the orthodoxy of the time and called out child marriage and later went on to play an important role in dealing with the plague in 1895, Gujarat? Or Himabati Sen’s battle against sexism and rigid religious dogma and customs while having a forty-year-long career in medicine? Or the Edinburgh Seven in the mid to late 19th century who contributed towards the lives of our protagonists?

 

Anandibai Joshi, Kadambini Ganguly, Rukhmabai Raut, Haimabati Sen, Muthulakshmi Reddy, and Mary Poonen Lukose, all of whom have little to no works written or developed on them. Only a small percentage of people - from their own communities - are aware of their legacy, and an even lesser percentage of people are aware of the circumstances in which they dared to become doctors. This roughly 300-page book is a tribute to these women of our past. While books, plays, and a recent movie on Anandibai Joshi have been made available in popular culture, Haimabati Sen's dairies had come to light several decades after her death, and Muthulakshmi Reddy was the only one to have two memoirs to her name. Rukhmabai Raut’s clinics in Gujarat are active even today. Muthulakshmi Reddy’s Cancer Institute aka Adyar Cancer Institute, established in 1952, is a pioneer in cancer research in Asia; and Mary Poonen Lukose’s, tenacity laid the foundations for much of the public health system of Kerala and compulsory vaccination in our country. However, in reality, in a country of over a billion, very few knew the existence of these immensely talented women.

 

Born and brought up in late 19th and early 20th century India amidst political and social churning, facing child marriages, child widowhood, innumerable prohibitions established in the garb of taboos and offenses to religion and society, lack of access to health and medical assistance sensitive to their needs, each one of these women faced immense struggles. Even after overcoming a difficult childhood with the help of handful of well-wishers, in the form of either a supportive husband, father, social reformer, progressive compatriot, some well-meaning missionary, royal, or western liberal of the time, their lives had never been easy. Battling casteism, patriarchy, sexism, and racism was the norm. In addition to that, ‘mobilizing’ marginalized communities and ‘advocating’ for better health, sanitation, medical assistance, and female reproductive health among the people, challenging unscientific practices and beliefs, was an uphill task. And if work-life balance is complicated for working women in today’s day and age in our country, these lady doctors had seen it all; and they may have some radical views to share with all of us. 

 

The uniqueness of this book is the nuance, respect, and sensitivity with which it presents our protagonists, the complexities of those times, the politics of colonialism and social reform, and the philosophies of well-known political and social reformers who had a bearing on the lives of these women – positive and negative. The book gets even more thrilling from a historical point of view as the 20th century rolls in. Muthulakshmi Reddy and Mary Poonen Lukose, not only continued with their professional responsibilities as doctors but also took on much-needed political, and governance duties and campaigns. Did you know a version of ‘Votes for Women’ campaign in India also had its place in our political discourse?

 

Through the journeys of these lady doctors, we meet some more incredible women of that time, some were their contemporaries, some their ideological opponents but progressives in their own right, and some who came much before them but all of them inspired and contributed to the making of India as it is today and built a larger legacy towards humankind. Cornelia Sorabji – first female graduate from Bombay University and the first woman to study law at Oxford and social reformer, Pandita Ramabai – educationist and advocate for girl child education, Sarojini Naidu – poet and freedom fighter, Ammu Swaminathan – famous Gandhian and one of the early Constituent Assembly members, Annie Beasant – theosophist and Home Rule activist in the Indian freedom struggle, Krupabai Satthianandhan – famous writer and the first woman to enter Madras Medical College, Sethu Lakshmi Bayi – ruler of Travancore and advocate of women’s involvement in medicine, law, and politics, Abala Das – medical graduate, social reformer and educationist, and wife of Jagdish Chandra Bose. The mention of her famed husband is intentional, for we know of him and his contribution to science but hardly ever heard of his wife and her work. Rose Govindarajulu – a doctor with several medical degrees and a thirty-three-year-long career ending way back in 1920! The history of our country is much richer than we know and are taught. Just imagine a room with Muthulakshmi, Mary Poonen, Sarojini Naidu, Annie Beasant, and Ammu Swaminathan, how electrifying it must have been!

 

Lady Doctors is an opportunity for bibliophiles, history nerds, parents, development sector professionals, educationists, teachers, medical practitioners, and students, to learn about these incredible women and share their stories with our future generations. Read it, gift it, suggest it, recommend it. Add excerpts of these books as chapters in our language textbooks; or give them the deserved place in our history textbooks next to Jyotiba and Savitribai Phule, Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar, and Raja Ram Mohan Roy, for these women were the catalysts for some of the larger social reforms; have multiple copies of this book in school and public libraries; or introduce them to students of science and medicine. As Kavitha Rao, stated, "…We rightly eulogise C.V. Raman and Jagdish Chandra Bose, but never the unsung women who fought far greater odds with unbelievable courage." It is time we correct that. 

Tribal Women, Development and Gender Dynamics

Dr. Sharada, Director, Population First in conversation with Dr. Soma Parthasarathy, Researcher/Practitioner  - Gender, Sustainable Development, Environment and Livelihoods.       

Dr. Sharada: You have been working on tribal rights issues for so long, please tell us what is the status of the tribal populations today, particularly the tribal women.

Dr Soma K Parthasarathy: As far as the government statistics are concerned, everything seems to be showing a positive trend. However, there are concerns about food security and dipping sex ratio in several parts of Adivasi dominant areas. On other issues also the numbers seem to show outreach but one cannot generalize about the quality of the care. If you look at health care, traditional tribal societies had their own knowledge systems that were hugely about preventive health care which have been overwhelmed by the advancement of modern allopathic systems.  Communities were dependent upon their own healers - Guni and traditional dais, and their own traditional knowledge systems. The breakdown of their access to resources, as well as their ability to define how they use their resources and the kind of work they do, have compelled them to become much more dependent on the state because their access to their herbs, and to their foods reduced with the outsiders' claims on their land.   Now, with the kind of lack of access to and decay of knowledge systems that they have lived with, they are having to become more dependent on a health system, which is not designed for them. That, along with the loss of the natural resources and poverty, their nutrition intake has changed, increasing the incidence of anaemia and vulnerability to diseases among them. They used to eat far more non-veg, because they were hunter gatherers who grew more of seasonal foods, plants and vegetables. So, it is important to restore their traditional knowledge systems to make them better able to manage their own health and not become dependent on a curative health system

As regards education, the kind of education that's going into these areas is the formal education system, which is dependent on a set of curriculums, which is seldom designed to incorporate their systems of knowledge and sense making, The text books show houses and portray roles vastly at variance with what the rural adivasi child experiences in their lived reality.  For a tribal child there is a home built in the vernacular architecture of the materials of their region they live in houses that are traditional designed and their work place is in the forest and fields, or as migrants. What the curriculum is doing is, totally displacing their traditional knowledge and bringing in a new set of knowledge, and concepts located in a vastly different environment. This causes an alienation and compels them to accept ideas far removed from their experiences and ill-suited to their ecological location. I am not saying they should not have info and understanding of other regions and practices but often their practices are presented as backward, which leaves them feeling low self esteem while their practices are often those that other societies need to learn from for their simplicity, low carbon footprint and ecological sustainability.

Let's look at sex ratio, which is viewed as an indicator of a positive attitude towards women. Tribal areas have traditionally had better sex ratios earlier. But today even in tribal areas, it is coming down. We need to understand this from the context of the value of the girl child, the value of women, and the value of women's work. Bride price was a part of the recognition, of valuing the girls labor, it meant that she was valued for the work contribution she would be making to the family - her ability to create progeny, to work as a reproducer and a producer, it gave her some respect in her marital home. Also, marriage was not a cultural necessity. They value the symbolism of bride price over being considered as commodities of purchase.  But all these cultural traditions that created some degree of gender parity among men and women are disappearing.

Since independence, private ownership of land, which was not there in the tribal population, started gaining importance and going in the patriarchal form. Earlier, the youngest daughter was considered the inheritor of the common lands in Meghalaya khasi tribe for instance. And it was the rest of the women and men in the community who would support her to manage that land and the children of the clan, theirs was a matrilocal culture. But all this is getting eroded with the privatization of land and the concept of private property. So, we are moving from territory to property.

Dr A L Sharada: So, how do you see the future of tribal populations in India? Do you think they will get imbibed into the mainstream society, lose their identity? What is being done to restore or to maintain the identity of the tribal communities?

Dr Soma K Parthasarathy: The tribal communities are struggling to claim their autonomy, to be able to govern themselves. There are legal provisions, but that they are implemented so weakly implies that their culture, traditions and their way of life is subjected to the objectives of development and they are often seen as the collateral damage in that journey. So, if we are to restore a life of dignity and wellbeing, then it has to be in terms of the constitutional rights that they hold, which means restoring to them the right for self-governance, which the PESA Act in schedule 5 and 6 areas provides. We need to restore to them the rights over their territories and the ways of life. The Forest Rights Act does address these historical injustices and makes provisions to correct them by according them individual and community forest rights and for women to have rights, as well as to be in decision making bodies of forest governance.  This Act is however being either not effectively implemented or flouted or undermined by state agencies. Similarly, under the compensatory afforestation act, government of India, Companies are meant to compensate for the loss of forest lands but communities remain deprived, while other communities are also threatened with loss of their lands in the name of compensatory forestry. Too often the projects of mining and development are causing displacement of tribal populations to new areas, taking away the land from the adivasis and leaving them to struggle rather than recognizing their right over their land.

Dr A L Sharada: What do you see as a solution for this, because everybody, the corporates, the mining mafia, and the government, seem to be so insensitive to the need to protect their cultural diversity, identity, rights and giving them their space.

Dr Soma K Parthasarthy: I think it's necessary to look at the Adivasi communities, from a lens of political ecology. They are, the inheritors of the traditional wisdom of living with nature, their lives are ecologically embedded. But a lot of that evidence of such lives has been wiped out, simply because a different kind of political economy has been imposed upon them. So, if we are serious about our commitments to the climate agenda, if we are serious about the commitments in the constitution for equity and equality of all citizens, then we should be looking at ways of enabling them to take greater control of their lives and their resources, and setting in place models where they can determine their futures in the framework of gender equality enshrined in the constitution and by respecting what they consider a dignified way of living. Their value systems are hugely related to how they live as a community. Their lives in their societies have been defined by a communitarian responsibility and to nature they see themselves as a part of. And that is a starting point from where we can begin to learn and respect what they have to offer, as a way of life, even as a system of living for the future. 

Dr.A L Sharada: I really wish there are some people who are listening to that and paying attention.

Dr Soma K Parthasarathy: You know, we've got entangled into looking at the legalities of things rather than noticing the value they have to offer. So, the government departments see the forests as territories that are a part of their turf and sees forest areas as their domain. They see tribal people as the encroachers and they criminalise the Adivasis and label and penalize them as destroyers of environment. Whereas, theirs is a method of conservation and environmentalism which has so much wisdom to offer in terms of how communities can be sustained and live in harmony with nature.

This modern fortress environmentalism is actually creating monocultures of the mind and adverse fissures which are causing more conflict. The tribes living in these areas sustain their regions, despite the activity and yet we don't learn our lessons from them. They live with a principle of enoughness and fulfilment for a community rather than in terms of surplus and competition. And these are lessons that I think are important to learn.

Dr. A.L.Sharada: We observe in our villages that more and more households have men working in the cities and the families adopting more rural/urban life styles. How is it going to impact the conservation of tribal cultures and communities?

Dr. Soma Parthasarathy: Let's not talk about the Adivasi lives as a romanticised idea. Let's talk about the pragmatism that is there in each household, Tn some households there will be one or two people who are going out for work. So the fractures and friction are happening within the household. When does the process of needing to look elsewhere for work start? It invariably starts for two reasons; the push factors are invariably about hunger, and not being able to make ends meet. The other push factor is the aspiration that children get into jobs, so that they don't need to live with the stigma of being 'encroachers' and 'criminals' ' backward' and 'primitive' peoples. So, they don't want their children to have to live in this kind of conflict. Invariably, it will be the adult male worker who will go out to seek a living, The women will not go invariably because there are fields and cattle and elders and children to be tended to. And because 80% of the work is performed by women - the care work related to nature, the work of foraging for fuel and fodder, preparing the fields, seed protection, care of domestic animals, etc. Men are also pushed to migrate because of indebtedness and the debt is mostly for seeking health services. And they are borrowing money to go to private practitioners in the absence /inadequacy of government health services. They are borrowing because of a livelihood crisis. They are now having to depend on unsustainable agriculture, while they were earlier sustaining themselves on forests resources, and on animal herding.

Thus, migration gives rise to two sets of value systems within the same house hold. And how do they then negotiate that between themselves? The boys are invariably unwilling to work on soil, and see these as undesirable jobs. Instead, they prefer jobs to drive cars, taxis, and look at ways to migrate for work, in government or even private and informal sector services, while women are left behind to tend to the land and cattle. However, they are also organizing into self-help groups, so that they can live and manage the available livelihoods from the local resources. 

The last point is that the communities are getting divided along gender lines also.  Because women are the ones left behind and the men are moving out, the worldviews and value systems are becoming contradictory between the men and the women. Often men are moving into the market, into relationships bringing in values of great masculinity and less of mutual respect. That is also a reason for the dowry system making inroads in these communities, increasing dowry demands and violence along with the falling sex ratio issues. These are alarming trends. But women are also raising their voices to be heard and represented and  are also claiming their rights.

Gender At Work- Perspectives, Nuances, and Gaps,

 

May 1 is marked as the International Workers Day, globally. This year’s theme “Act together to build a positive safety and health culture”, notes the importance of a cohesive action to address the vagaries of the COVID-19 pandemic. For this edition of our newsletter, we bring a conversation with Dr. Vibhuti Patel, the well-known gender economist, and women’s rights activist. She delves deep into what are the existing trends of female labor participation in India. Read the excerpts from the interview. Her LinkedIn profile here:

All the views expressed here are the views of Dr. Vibhuti Patel, and should not be attributed to Population First.

As per the United Nations, Women constitute ½ of the world’s population, 2/3 of the world’s work force but get 1/10th of the world’s income and 1% of the world’s Wealth.

Q1: How would you define work participation of women in labour force? Why is it important to the economic growth of a nation? What are the various aspects when one studies it?

“Work” can be defined as the physical or mental effort or activity directed toward the production or accomplishment of something. Women all around the world have been doing paid, underpaid and largely unpaid work in homes, factories, fields, forests and mines. Over and above 3 Cs-cooking, cleaning and caring, large number of women do activities such as collection of fuel, fodder and water, animal care, kitchen gardening, raising poultry that augment family resources. If women would not this work; these goods would have to be purchased from the market. Unpaid care economy plays pivotal role in the economic growth of the nation in the developing as well as industrially advanced nations.

For the framing of development policies, national level statistics is the principal data input, but this is largely impaired by the undercounting of women, both as workers and those available for work. The first barrier is of course the definition of work vis-à-vis women’s work. We continue to relate work only to remunerative aspects of work as work. Indian women are engaged in two kinds of work; one that produces an income and other that does not. They are known as paid and unpaid work respectively. Even where women are doing work which is market-oriented, the special characteristics of women’s work make such work ‘invisible’, ‘non-recognised’ as for example, home based piece rate workers. The census concept of ‘work’ overemphasize production for market and although it does include some non-market production for own consumption such as cultivation where men are also involved, it excludes by a strange logic other type of production for own consumption such as livestock maintenance (done mostly by women) and hence these figures do not correspond with the non-market output in the national accounts.

The lack of freedom of choice, power and material resources, traditional gender roles and norms, stand – in the way of women’s development, as is evident in most parts of the world. Intersectional vulnerabilities of caste, class, race, ethnicity, religion, geographical locations and gender keep large majority of women in a precarious economic status. Significantly, even in the pyramid of poverty, women are the poorest of the poor and at the rock bottom. Hence all efforts to reduce poverty are inseparable from action agenda of the gender equity and gender equality based on intersectional justice. Researches indicate that gender equality measures that are gender responsive in the long run leads to reduction of poverty. In fact, unequal power structures for women and men constitute an impediment to economic growth and substantive democratic development. Equal opportunities for women and men to own land and assets, to earn money and to participate in working life, are essential for sustainable development in the long run.

Q2. Recent studies of long-term trends by NSS suggest that female labour force participation rates in India have been hovering around a 20% mark for the past several years. Moreover, there is gap in the rural and urban population’s involvement. What could be the reason for this specially in wake of the various policies being promoted by the government?

As this graph reveals, there has been continuous decline in the work participation rate of women in the Indian Economy from 29% in 1983 to 17% in 2018.

Source: NSSO, 68th Round, Report No. 554, Employment and Unemployment Situation in India, 2011–12 and Periodic Labour Force Survey, 2017–18, Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation, National Statistical Office, Government of India

The National Sample Survey Office (NSSO) recently released results of its Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS) for the year 2018-19. The estimates show a marginal improvement in overall labour force participation rates, more so for rural women, up from 18.2 percent in 2017-18 to 19.7 percent in 2018-19. According to Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy Not only have more women lost jobs compared to men during the pandemic, but The number of women actively looking for work each month reduced to educed by three million between 2019 and 2021.

Source: NSSO Rounds 38th(1983-84), 50th (1993-94), 61st (2004-2005), 68th, 75th) (2017-18)

Even the sectoral profile of women’s employment has changed from 1983-84 to 2017-18. There has been continuous defeminization of primary sector i.e. agriculture and allied activities. In the manufacturing sector also, after 2011, women’s work participation declined from the secondary sector i.e. manufacturing and Industry sector due to automation, mechanisation of labour processes and rationalisation that resulted in the retrenchment of women workers. Only in the tertiary sector i.e. service sector women’s employment has increased. Here, too there is nothing to be jubilant about as large percentage of the employment is in domestic work.

There are multiple reasons for low work participation of women determined by intersectional vulnerabilities across caste, class, ethnicity, religion, location and gender. Researches by women’s studies experts have shown the following reasons:

Triple Burden

Most working women continue to face the triple burden of job, child care and housework with very little support, either from their partners or the government. Despite the fact that women have entered the workplace in huge numbers, their new economic and social responsibilities are often forgotten where family life is concerned.

Source: Paid and Unpaid Work of Women & Men: Time Use Survey, 2019: Ministry of Statistics & Programme Implementation, Government of India, 2020

On an average, Indian women spend 299 minutes a day on unpaid domestic services while men spend 97 minutes, according to the 2019 NSS report on time use. Unless gender norms change to sharing of domestic duties by male and female members of the family, women will always be stuck in the private domain.

Sexual Harassment

Women’s Indian Chamber of Commerce and Industry’s (WICCI) Council of Ethics released a survey-based report, The Annual Review on the State of Sexual Harassment in India, in March 2022, which found that 50 percent and 55 percent of respondents respectively had experienced “physical contact or advances” or inappropriate touching, including pinching, patting, rubbing, or purposefully brushing up against another person” at least once at the workplace. Of the people who faced sexual harassment at the workplace, 55.2 percent decided not to file a complaint. They felt helpless and reported that that such sexual pressure is unwelcome, it is deliberate, it is about male privilege and dominance. According to India's constitution, sexual harassment infringes the fundamental right of a woman to gender equality under Article 14 of the Constitution of India and her right to life and live with dignity under Article 21 of the Constitution.27 The Supreme Court has taken a broad interpretation of what constitute “the workplace” too by not limiting the workplace to a certain geographical area.

Public debates on sexual harassment while travelling from home to workplace has also brought to fore the major issue of safe transport for women. Without safe travel facility, it becomes very difficult to take employment that involves long distance travel.

Wage Gap

It is often considered that if women move into male-dominated occupations in larger numbers, the wage gap will close. However, there appears to be a gender-related wage gap in virtually every occupational category. Gender segregation directly influences the work behaviour in the form of wage differentials.

Glass Ceiling, Sticky Floor, Glass Walls, Leaking Pipeline

Women are often in situations where their advancement and promotion within the hierarchy of an organization in terms of their qualification and ability is stopped at a lower level because of some form of discrimination. Glass Ceiling is believed to be an unofficial, invisible barrier that prevents women and minorities from advancing in businesses. When working women are at the lower level, due to misogyny in the ecosystem, women themselves do not aspire for higher-level positions. Patriarchal bias in the corporate milieu hampers their career progression as compared to their male counterparts; this is referred to as the “sticky floor”. ILO states, “When women are able to attain higher-level management positions, they often find themselves in management support functions that do not lead to the highest-level management jobs. This phenomenon is also known as the “glass walls”. Even when women do enter the labour force, their participation rates drop significantly with age, which is the time when women are experienced enough to assume higher positions and more responsibilities at work. This attrition or exit of qualified women at higher career levels from companies and organizations is often referred to as the “leaking pipeline”. It leads also to a shortage of women in senior management posts to serve as role models.”

Q3. Are there any sectoral/ profession skews that become evident while looking at the workforce participation of women?

The subordination in recent times is most clearly seen at the overall level in two dimensions: lateral subordination, where female dominated sectors and occupations have lower status and are given lower values than male-dominated sectors and occupations, and subordination in the vertical dimension, where women as a group are to be found at a lower level in the hierarchies than men6. It has been seen that countries with high female employment rates have high segregation rates. As more women enter the labour markets they are recruited into sectors and work tasks that already are defined as ‘female jobs’, and they are doing service jobs earlier performed in the household and now transformed into market work. A consequence of gender segregation is uneven economic conditions. Empirical studies estimate that gender segregation explains a large proportion of the gender wage gap.

When building families, men are usually learning their trade or occupation, and establishing their position in the labour market. Women still have responsibility for care, both at home and in the market. She therefore plans a larger part of her life around combination of gainful employment and her responsibilities in the home and for the family. She does these using different strategies for both caring for the family and maintaining her employment.

Q4. What is vulnerable employment and what are the reasons for women to be bearing the burden of the phenomenon?

Women are over-represented in the informal sector worldwide. This basic fact has several dimensions. Firstly, the informal sector is the primary source of employment for women in most developing countries. The majority of economically active women in the developing countries are engaged in the informal sector. In India, the informal sector accounts for nine out of every ten women working outside agriculture. The proportion of women workers in the informal sector exceeds that of men in most countries. Thirdly, women’s share of the total informal workforce outside of agriculture is higher than men’s share in 9 out of 21 developing countries for which data are available.

However, women opt to continue in the informal sector not necessarily because of a lack of choice, but because of the flexibility of working arrangements and a wider range of opportunities.

• the majority of women in the informal sector are own account traders, vendors and producers or casual and subcontract workers; relatively few are employers who hire paid workers.
• men and women tend to be involved in different activities or types of employment even within the same trades: in many countries, for example, male traders tend to have larger scale operations and to deal in non-food items while female traders tend to have smaller scale operations and to deal in food items.
• average incomes of both men and women are lower in the informal sector than in the formal sector.
• the gender gap in income/wages appears higher in the informal sector than in the formal sector and exists even when women are not wage workers as markets are socially constructed to favour men.
• the relatively large gender gap in income/wages in the informal sector is largely due to two interrelated factors: informal incomes worldwide tend to decline as one moves across the following types of employment: employer – self-employed – casual wage worker – sub-contract worker women worldwide are under-represented in high income activities and over-represented in low income activities (notably, subcontract work)

Here it is important to note the links between being a woman, working in the informal sector, and contributing to growth. Even though the average earnings of women in the informal sector are low, the female informal workforce contributes significantly to gross domestic product (GDP). Women informal traders contribute a significant share (20-65%) of GDP in the trading sector. The contribution of women in the informal sector to total GDP is greater than their share of employment in the informal sector. This is because women are more likely than men to engage in multiple activities in the informal sector. For many years certain assumptions existed like women either could not do a job or that they did not need to do it. The consequence of this kind of thinking has been that gender segregation has affected women’s and men’s concentration in different occupations, industries and levels in workplace hierarchies. This has led to gender discrimination and has perpetuated gender inequality within the world of work.

Issues of rural development and women's empowerment receive critical attention in various debates due to efforts of Mahila Kisan Adhikar Manch (MAKAM). Trends and patterns of agricultural development in the post liberalisation period has intensified marginalisation of women farmers and agricultural labourers. Transformations in rural India have ushered in water and fodder scarcity that have undoubtedly increased the drudgery of rural women’s life.

Increasingly, they also face greater livelihood insecurity on account of market forces and liberalization policies, and greater restrictions on access to resources such as land, water, forests and village commons. With livelihood insecurity, there is food insecurity as well. Given the complementarities of patriarchy, caste and class, women of the poorest classes of marginalized Dalit and tribal communities bear much of the brunt of these insecurities, even as they also face severe restrictions on mobility and myriad forms of violence. With the greater participation of civil society organizations, engaged in gender transformative approaches and participatory development, some favourable outcomes have been derived, but it is hardly sufficient to address the scale and dimensions of the problem. Challenging issues of livelihood and food insecurity, efficacy of micro-credit and other kinds of interventions demand urgent attention.

Q5. A study by IIM-A released earlier this year suggests that the income gap increases as the women rise in their careers in India. How does one explain this trend?

A number of studies show, that women are more often overqualified for their job than men. Other studies show that women have less influence over their work organisation and content than men. Women also generally have a greater degree of monotonous, repetitive motion in their work. Further, studies show that occupations where women predominate have a lower status than male dominated occupations, even if the occupations require equivalent education and training. In workplaces with as many women as men, in apparently the same occupation, the women often perform different tasks, which most of the time are classified differently in status and pay. The work women almost always perform is valued lower.

The structures in a work organisation are often seen as gender-neutral, as independent of whether the organisation’s members are women or men. However, it has to be considered as to how gender affects the processes and structures of the organisations. Organisational structures must be understood and analysed as gendered systems. Different forms of organisation have different gender-political effects. The so-called gender power systems, i.e. underlying conceptions, standards and practices in modern companies, are constituent conditions ‘invisible’.

A comparison between hierarchy and network organisations shows that a hierarchical organisation limits people’s exposure to new challenges. On the other hand, a network organisation offers considerable, in principle limitless, challenges. Hierarchical organisations are likely to make women invisible as bearers of knowledge, and isolate them, often at the bottom of the hierarchy. A hierarchical organisation promotes a gender order where men are given pride of place over women. Network organisations become more female-friendly, largely by virtue of their flexibility. Network organisations are more amenable to change, make women visible as working individuals and allow all employees to take on greater challenges. Network organisations are also more female-friendly because they better reflect women’s attitude to work, women’s values and their general way of being.

Different forms of organisation have different gender-political effects. However, gender-based power structures are not static since society, norms and values change over a period of time. Structures arise out of social relations and are therefore the result of actions by individuals and groups. Gender is thus viewed as something that is being constructed, by ourselves and by others in constant interaction, within the framework of the structures that surround us.

The following verses (continuously getting improvised in the training sessions on gender sensitization) succinctly bring out double standards at the workplace:

Gender at work

The family picture is on HIS desk.

Ah, a solid, responsible family man.

The family picture is on HER desk.

Umm, her family will come before her career.

HIS desk is cluttered.

He's obviously a hard worker and a busy man.

HER desk is cluttered.

She's obviously a disorganized scatterbrain.

HE is talking with his co-workers.

He must be discussing the latest deal.

SHE is talking with her co-workers.

She must be gossiping.

HE's not at his desk.

He must be at a meeting.

SHE's not at her desk.

She must be in the ladies' room.

HE's having lunch with the boss.

He's on his way up.

SHE's having lunch with the boss.

They must be having an affair.

The boss criticized HIM.

He'll improve his performance.

The boss criticized HER.

She'll be very upset.

HE got an unfair deal.

Did he get angry?

SHE got an unfair deal.

Did she cry?

HE's getting married.

He'll get more settled.

SHE's getting married.

She'll get pregnant and leave.

HE's having a baby.

He'll need a raise.

SHE's having a baby.

She'll cost the company money in maternity benefits.

HE's going on a business trip.

It's good for his career.

SHE's going on a business trip.

What does her husband say?

HE's leaving for a better job.

He knows how to recognize a good opportunity.

SHE's leaving for a better job.

Women are not dependable

Q6. What do you see the role of various agencies- government and non-government as well as corporate sector in ensuring a shrinking gender gap amongst the workforce in India?

As a consequence of the overall growth of the economy, some of the marginalized groups in a society that is already characterized by a high level of inequality in opportunities and segregation along lines of, gender, caste, and social status, are widely reckoned to not have benefited from overall growth. To enable women to expand their livelihood opportunities, a vast range of government programs need to be initiated and large amounts of resources must be channeled to poor areas. An increasingly popular approach to do so relies on the concept of Community Driven Development (CDD) whereby resources are made available to encourage formation of savings groups at the local level and, once they have attained a certain degree of maturity, the channeling to such groups of funds (either as a credit or a grant) which they can use for small projects aimed to improve their livelihood. Transformative Financing for Gender Equality and Gender Responsive Budgeting are imperative for bridging the gender gaps in the areas of health, education, skill development, employment, safety, decision making and gender mainstreaming in all flagship programmes of the state & non-state ventures.